The cover of the proposed national visionIntroduction:

The Preparatory Committee for National Dialogue (PCND) with its diverse political and social forces and figures, parties, organizations, businessmen, scholars and intellectuals, opinion leaders, women and youth leaders, hereby presents to the Yemeni People, its diverse groups and forces, political and social components and to all parties, organizations, social figures and forces participating in the forthcoming dialogue conference, this national dialogue-based vision, which contents were drawn by the National Consultation Forum with inputs from the Preparatory Committee established by the National Consultation Forum (NCF) via a process of serious and responsible discussions. This vision comprises the following components:

First: An objective diagnosis of the current crisis:

The root cause of the crisis in the country  lies in the highly personalized and autocratic regime which converted the Yemeni state from a political national project into a family narrow project. This resulted in the diminishing and wasting of the struggle and sacrifices of the people of Yemen. It also neglected the gains of the Yemeni revolution and the purport of 22 May 1990 peaceful unification. The vision detects the roots of the crisis and show how legitimacy, both constitutional and legal, was demolished. It also illustrates how potentials for peaceful change, through free and fair elections, were blocked, and  how corruption was unleashed to swallow the resources of the country and the social and economic rights of citizens. The crisis was eventually exacerbated, expanded and developed with the spread of political, administrative, economic and financial corruption. This corruption is mainly produced by the continuation of autocracy, and highly personalized state that is based on primordial ties. There is a lack of an institutionalized  nation-state and good governance. Hence, the crisis reached its climax with unprecedented unrest in southern governorates. This outrage comes as a result of the policies adopted by the regime in the aftermath of the war. There is also the recurring outbreaks and continuous expansion of war in Sadah since June 2004. Today, we are witnessing the sixth round of the war that is deepening the pain and suffering of this disadvantaged governorate.

This diagnosis of manifestations and trends of the overall crisis in the country is not only to raise objection against the current situation. It is rather a national effort, that aims at creating concrete solutions and remedies for the real causes producing this crisis. It aims at taking the country out of the misery and entanglements of the current situation and its consequences. This current state of affairs is an indicative of expected disasters, the least of which for the country is to become a failing  or completely failed state.

Second: Emergency treatments and solutions

These emergency treatments and solutions were determined in light of an objective diagnosis. The essence of these solutions is to work towards creating a national unity and  consensus capable of instigating the change necessary for the preservation of the state and the restoration of the principles of the peaceful 22nd of May 1990 unification. It aims at reinstating the goals of the Yemeni revolution.

The first step for comprehensive national solutions for deteriorating conditions affecting the vast majority of people in different parts of the country, beginns first and foremost, by halting the steadfast march towards collapse, and by calming down ongoing conflicts through:

  • Ending the bloodshed in Sadah
  • Implementing a fair and comprehensive solution for the southern question in its political and legal demands. The solution should put the south in its natural place as a real national partner in power and wealth.

The rebuilding of the state on sound basis shall immediately come after this to achieve national partnership and peaceful exchange of power and, thus, prevent the country from falling once again into the quagmire and dark tunnel that the current regime pushed it into.

This vision contains elements related to improving state building, with technical details relating to constitutional issues, the shapes of the state and  the political system, and economic and education issues. These aspects shall be subject to discussion and exchange of views. Furthermore, national technical conferences shall be held for competent and experienced people for consultation and generating appropriate recommendations for the national dialogue.

Third: Implementation Mechanisms

These mechanisms shall be based on dialogue and all forms of peaceful struggle. This is in addition to the implementations mechanisms to be identified by the National Dialogue Conference (NDC)

The PCND, while presenting this vision to all people of Yemen, calls upon all citizens to shoulder responsibilities for salvation and change. The PCND hopes this vision will be met with interaction in terms of enriching comments, corrections and suggestions from everybody. We pledge before Allah to work with all legitimate and peaceful means to bring into success and to implement the solutions resulting from the NDC in order to achieve a situation where all rights are maintained.

Foreword:

The current situation in our country is heading towards very serious consequences threatening its political and social structures. This comes as a result of a current comprehensive national crisis, which is rooted in clan-based centralization and in the nature of policies and practices adopted by highly personalized autocratic regime. These policies are characterized by being random and dominated by an individual jumpy  mood, which never stopped from destroying the foundations of national, social and moral structures and devastating  the country’s inherited and historically accumulated nascent institutions. All institutional traditions have been replaced by rampant chaos invading different aspects of life.

The real deadlock for  the country lies in the fact that the regime has lost its ability to provide any serious and realistic solutions for these crises and it refuses to adopt  any serious reformative policies or actions. The solutions adopted by the regime all come in two forms:  promises that lost their credibility ;and the negligence, denial or creation of new problems that overshadow old problems. Moreover, such wrong approaches and practices in solving problems by creating more problems and treating a disease by a severer disease is adding complications and aggrevations to the situation. Such a thing exacerbates the seriousness of crises and their grave ramifications.

This complex crisis, which is threatening our present and future, did not appear on the surface overnight with no signals of warning. Instead, its factors accumulated gradually until it reaches the current stage in which only more effective collective national political action from outside the current authority can make a difference.

The PCND, feeling the looming catastrophic dangers threatening the future of the people and  homeland, has discussed with high sense of responsibility the accelerating and exacerbating trends of the overall national crisis with its political, economic and social aspects, and analyzed different serious political initiatives and visions proposed to relief the country from the current situation from different political, social and national forces and figures . The PCND eventually concluded that the last-chance option before all Yemenis to address this national crisis is to have active political and social forces assuming their national duties to accomplish a national program for change that rescues the country and prevents the gloomy consequences of the current macabre crisis. The aim is to achieve security and stability in a country were the dignity of Yemeni people, their freedoms and rights are respected as well as the restoration of respect to the principles and goals of the Yemeni revolution and for the noble national democratic choices agreed upon by Yemenis in the 22nd of May 1990 as firm options. On top of these choices is the principle of national partnership, the political and partisan pluralism, accepting others, rejecting despotic and autocratic rule, oppression and violence, and promoting institutionalism, the rule of law, equal citizenship and participation of people in authority, resources and decision making.

There is no alternative for confronting this crisis and relieving the country from its repercussions except, by mobilizing and gathering national efforts so we all together form a peaceful change leverage releasing the country from the hands of dominant despotism and corruption. A new social contract needs to be formulated to bring together and establish a modern Yemen institutional state in line with standards of modern states through the following:

  • Adopt dialogue based on national partnership between all forces and parties, as an approach, to reach a common vision and mutual understanding for the nature of current crisis, proposed solutions and mechanisms of implementation in Yemeni reality. The agreed upon solutions need to reflect the spirit of the whole Yemen not the wishes of a certain trend or group.
  • Undertake to work to bring dialogue into success and implement its results and solutions as well as the strict adherence to peaceful struggle means rejecting slipping to violence and its repercussions.

According to the above, the PCND presents to all Yemeni people and its political and social forces its proposed vision including:

  • Section One: diagnosis of the national crisis, its roots and aspects.
  • Section Two: Broader and specific approaches for solutions.
  • Section Three: Implementation mechanisms.

Section One: Diagnosis of current political and national crisis

First:

Roots of the Crisis

(Highly personalized autocracy and clan based political center)

For long eras and extended periods, Yemen suffered from despotic and autocratic clan or race based regimes that fostered central un-institutional power as a mean to justify and cover up its clan or race based monopoly of power, authority and resources. This is the true impasse  and crisis that wasted the right of people in power and the right of country in its human and material resources and, thus, deepening retardation and waste.

Since 1930s, Yemenis were struggling and making substantial sacrifices with enormous number of martyrs to face and resolve this dilemma and abolishing its painful reflections by working to establish a national state as a frame for all Yemenis on the basis of equal citizenship, rule of law and a decentralized system representing the wishes of different groups and forces in the nation.

The victory of the Yemeni revolution (September and October) and the creation of a republican regime in the northern part, the independence of the southern part and its unification, and the creation of a republican regime therein, all represented positive steps for maturity and completion of key goals and principles of the Yemeni revolution, and the aspirations of the Yemeni people in re-unification of the country, establishing a modern national state throwing away the remains of occupation, despotism, autocracy and factional ruling. Although the country continued to be fragmented (two countries) which hindered unification efforts for more than two decades, the unification project remained a goal for all national political parties and forces making many sacrifices towards that end. Moreover, and justified by this aim, several wars broke out internally and between the two parts of the country. This continues until 22nd of May 1990 where a peaceful unification was realized with all associated national and democratic contents, creating a favorable environment for resolving the historical crisis and opening horizons for the future through:

  1. Ending the situation of geographic and social separation that affected the social and national identify of the Yemeni people and, thus, ensuring the direction of national resources to achieve envisaged social development and prosperity.
  2. Eliminate all forms of factional discrimination, arrogance tendencies, autocracy and seizure of resources, which, under fragmentation and division, grew and dominated on other forms of consultative democratic regime dreamed off by Yemenis.
  3. Open doors for ousting all forms of autocratic ruling, despotism and tyranny and establishing an institutionalized nation-state resting on the principles of equal citizenship and the rule of law as means to overcome the state of retardation and to join the era, strengthen independence and national sovereignty.
  4. The peaceful nature of the Yemeni unification represented a fresh start for new Yemeni history repudiating the use of violence for political purposes or in national struggle. Therefore, unity was correlated with political and partisan pluralism, the exchange of power through free and fair elections as inevitable conditions for enhancing the building of modern national state, which would not be built under the state of violence, fragmentation and conflicts over power, resources and decisions.

These were the concepts of the historical settlement that aimed at ending this historical dilemma. Yemenis has great expectations and hopes that these concepts will be translated into a new social contract formulating the present and future of the country towards envisioned prosperity and advancement.

It is very unfortunate that events followed a different direction. A crisis broke out by the end of 1993 and a civil war erupted in the summer of 1994. In the wake of that war, the rulers pounced against the concepts of the national partnership and the nascent democratic project based on political and partisan pluralism and, hence, obstructed all horizons of hope that were open before Yemenis on 22nd of May 1990.

Step-by-step the autocratic power, and in a systematic manner, regained its tyrannical dominance reviving the historical legacy of crisis with all its factional components and discriminatory arrogant tendencies. The constitution was tailored to strengthen autocracy, granting the president broad powers with immunity against responsibility and accountability. But this came at the expense of the state institutions which were emptied from contents. The wishes and tempers of an individual person became the axis around which all policies and approaches are centered. The resources of the country were channeled to serve the strengthening of the ownership of an individual of power and state. This resulted in a personalized state, authority and regime. The individual person on top of power controlled all elements of powers and resources. The allegiance to the individual ruler replaced the allegiance to the country and state and personal relations inside the government body replaced objective work relations.

Since then, the personalized power imposed itself not as a ruler for the country alone, but also as an owner of the country, running its political, economic and administrative affairs the way it wishes with no regard to the conditions of the social contract. This power controlled the sustenance of people and the vital interests of different groups of the society and, then, convened the needs and benefits of people into tools used to compel them to obey the powerful and resourceful elite.

In such a way, the state was converted from a national political project into a narrow family project wasting the struggle and sacrifices of the Yemeni people and overlooking the goals of the Yemeni revolution for the aim of the full control of power and resources.

In line with this, the holders of current power worked, on the rubble of the national unification project, to achieve the following:

  1. Block the horizons of change through free and fair elections, invalidate the principle of peaceful exchange of power by refusing any actions that may improve the electoral system, administration, and process  which are all conditions for rendering elections free and fair and representative of the free will of the people. The electoral process was converted into a formal process unable of developing the democratic process and building the Yemeni state. The electoral process is currently a mere formal celebrations aiming to legitimize and reproduce a regime that runs the country through rounds of carefully crafted elections,.
  2. Adopting continuous actions to create crisis situations in the country paving the road for the extension of the ruler’s term in power, and for the transfer of power to children by controlling public jobs and positions and more wealth and influence. Such practices expanded the circle of corrupt and illegal benefits on one hand, and limiting the circle of ruling partners to family members  on the other.
  3. Allegiance to the ruler and his heirs became the source and the criterion for measuring national allegiance. The hand of corruption and organized looting of the public funds was unleashed until the livelihood of people worsened and ordinary citizens lost any feeling of affiliation to the country and state and became strangers in their own country.
  4. The relentless work to constrain, dismantle and strike modern political and social structures that are based on wide and ample national ties. The ruler is viewing these structures as a source of disruption and concern.
  5. Provoking and reviving all forms of fanaticism and factional bigotries (regional, racial, tribal…etc.) because tyranny can only supersede and thrive when it sow discord among  political and social groups.
  6. Strengthening  the culture of fragmentation and animosity to undermine the national project, and laying the ground for bringing together all factors frustrating national advancement, weakening national affiliation to the state in favor of promoting sub-national affiliations (regional, tribal, sectarian and racial)..

Second: Manifestations of the Crisis

a. Political Manifestations:

  1. Replacing the project of building an institutionalized nation state  by autocratic authority that mobilized the state elements outside their institutional scope to secure the needed authority, in part, to hinder the building of a state and, in the other part, to protect the family power; the two processes lead to the same outcome, which is the deepening of the personalization of the state, power and regime, through:
    1. Distorting the national awareness of the state concept and functions, diminishing the constitutional and legal legitimacy of the state by political and administrative practices of its powers, institutions and departments. The state functions are done in an outrageous violation of the constitution and laws and in retarded rude ways under full absence of any accountability for these practices. The natural result  has been this wild monster of corruption invading all state joints, the wasting of the country resources, crippling the people’s interests, wasting their rights and the poor  performance of functions.
    2. The systemic weakening of the legislative authority and emptying it from its contents and constitutional functions.
    3. Controlling the judiciary through formation, appointments, promotions, transfers and defining salaries and rendering the judiciary as a toll for executing the ruler’s orders and instructions. The judiciary is not fulfilling its role in protecting rights and freedoms of people. The ravages of evils and lawlessness have expanded and squandered public and private rights.
    4. Aborting steps and requirements of local governance and deforming its meaning. Under the title of local governance, the worst forms of centralization are being practiced that do not go in line with the minimum standards of local administration. What happens on the ground is a process of crippling the vital role of local authorities and their bodies and making them only formal bodies and honorary positions to win allegiances.
    5. Involving the armed forces and security, as national institutions, in tasks beyond their constitutional mandate and functions, by engaging them in internal political conflicts that should not surpass political institutions. The national and professional role of armed and security forces is seized, the moral guidance programs are personalized, the leadership and instruction centers in military and armed forces are multiple and the discipline systems and traditions are spoiled. The criteria of kinship, personal and family allegiance are dominating over the criteria of national standards and professional efficiency. The rules of seniority-based promotions are neglected in an audacious violation of the constitution. In addition, many affiliates of these institutions (officers and soldiers) are subject to unjust treatment in their financial and moral rights. The families of the martyrs and veterans of the Yemeni resolutions and retirees are in no better position in terms of denial and injustice.
  2. Destruction of the plural political system, diminishing the democratic project and civic live pillars through the never-ending pursuance of the authority to:
  • Marginalize and abolish the legal status of the opposition as one pillar of the plural political system (authority + opposition). The practices of the authority  against the opposition parties are in the forms of overarching violations, aggressions, crackdown, weakening; either by instigating and supporting partisan fissions, controlling parties by financial means, confiscating their rights in public media means, expropriating the properties and premises of some parties, hunt down their members and activists and dismissing them from public jobs in many cases, and inducing them to leave their parties and join the ruling party in anticipation of promotions and, in the best cases, buying their silence for endorsing them as good behavior individuals.
  • Forfeiting freedom and independence of labor unions and federations as well as all civil society syndicates, organizations and associations of professional and creative natures, the student unions, the agricultural and fisheries cooperatives  …etc. This is in addition to working to subdue these organizations by the attempts of domination, containment, fission, idling  or freezing and other forms of pressures and abuses that threaten the impartiality and independence of these institutions in fulfilling their tasks and defending their members’ rights. On the other hand, alternative dissident institutions are promoted (under the full control of the authority) to be used to jeopardize the union and syndicate activities and to use these fake institutions as a façade to claim that there is civil society partnering with the state.
  1. Seizure of public freedoms and rights, the most important of which is the right of freedom of expression, the strangulation of free press, persecution of journalists and political activities by means of detention, imprisonment and prosecutions, as well as adopting the approach of force and live bullets to suppress all forms of peaceful struggle and demands. The matter does not stop at the boundaries of practical actions in the form of daily transgressions, but it exceeds this to manipulations in legislations and emptying all rights from their true contents by maneuvering around laws to narrow the window of constitutional rights or by issuing regulations and circulars that abolish the few remaining rights in laws.
  2. The generation and fueling of violence, fanaticism, hatred and all forms of political conflicts, tribal feuds and battles and local violence. The aim of this is to keep the general situation under undeclared state of emergency and to use the security tools to resolve disagreements with political rivals, and to spread horror in communities and distract people from claiming their looted rights. Moreover, some aspects of security instabilities are utilized and kept at a certain level to stimulate international and regional concerns and worries as means for political and financial extortion.

b. Main national aspects of the crisis:

  1. 1. The Southern Cause:

The southern cause represents the most serious hotspot of the national crisis. In the evolution of this crisis, an unprecedented state of people’s dissatisfaction emerged in southern governorate. This dissatisfaction was then materialized in political and social movements that strongly advocate for the southern cause as a natural reaction to the failure of the authority in managing the unity of the country and converting it from a national democratic project into a forceful approach of dominance through wars and excessive use of force to topple the national partnership and to control power and resources. This includes spreading  the culture of the widespread looting of public and private properties in southern governorate.

However, the real motives for the emergence of the southern cause are the consequences and repercussions of the 1994 war and the political, economic and social conditions resulting from the vengeful policies of the regime against the project of national unity and its practices in southern governorates since the end of the war until now. The authority viewed its military victory on 07.07.1994 as the final accomplishment for completing or ending the history and that it does not need to present a national political project taking into account cleaning  the impacts of the war, treating is traumas and leading the country towards implementing the unity covenants, especially the covenants related to building a state based on the rule of law, strong national institutions, equal citizenship, generating benefits to the citizens from the unification democratic project as well as adopting effective policies to deepen the national fraternization, rehabilitating the unified and big Yemen to achieve national  and social integration objectively.

The practices and actions of the authority in the southern governorate since 1994 war, as part of its destructive policy in the country as a whole, were primarily based on negating the unification covenants and instead of taking the best practices in both parts of the country, the regime followed the worst practices and eliminated the best ones. It also worked to foster the tendency of dominance and exclusion. The status of the southern part was remodeled taking into account geographical dimension only but neglecting history, political peculiars, economic, social and cultural characterizes that evolved and continued for long decades.

The war and its subsequent official policies produced a situation of vertical division built on discrimination against the people of the southern governorates and taking actions to destroy the political and administrative legacy that should have been viewed as  part of the national Yemeni heritage and as accumulated experiences gained by Yemeni people through their history. The authority, with a primitive mentality of supremacy, worked to destroy the state body of the former southern state, abolishing its accumulated experiences, laying off thousands of its civil and military employees with no considerations whatsoever to their legitimate rights. Public sector institutions were privatized through a systemic looting process benefiting only the influential people. Workers were thrown to the unemployment market with no rights. Likewise, peasants were expelled from their lands, state farms were seized and redistributed to a handful of influential people. State lands were also looted for the benefit of a small group of influential people on the account of investment and accommodation needs. The people of the southern governorates were the ones mostly eliminated. These practices also extended to loot privately owned lands and buildings that belonged to citizens. The southern governorates were subjected to a stringent military and security administration marginalizing the role of the civil administration. Political revenge was also practiced with a fabricated situation of chaos, violations to the law and deliberate revival of forgotten bigotries (political, tribal …etc.).

The authority,  instead of providing services and benefits to the people under the unification, diminished the network of these benefits that large segments of the southern people used to receive from the state. Many of these services deteriorated. The traditions and symbols   of the southern people were deliberately humiliated. The aspects of their partnership in the unification were obliterated. The unification was trandformed, from being a noble national cause linked to the dreams and ambitions of  southerners,  became a daily accusation that follows most of them. Moreover, the official media never stopped using unity as a mean for humiliation and demoralization of the southern citizens with no exceptions.

Sada War

The repeated eruptions, and expansion of  scope, of Sada war since June 2004 until it reaches the vicinity of the capital, represented a serious situation reflecting the lack of an institutional system capable of dealing with social, cultural, political and security challenges from a national perspective avoiding the slippage  into factional and sectarian wars. The dangerouss developments of Sada war are bringing back to the surface these concerns and now fears exist that such war may expand and  demolish national unity and ignite unprecedented sectarian and tribal wars.

During the years of Sada war, the authority kept refusing all calls for war stoppage and dealing with the situation under the umbrella of the constitution and laws. Consequently, thousands of Yemeni civilians and military people were either killed or injured. Tens of thousands of families fled their houses and lost their livelihoods as a result of the mass destruction inflected by the war to their properties.

These wars were accompanied and intertwined with propaganda campaigns by the authority using all terminologies of commotion, sectarian and tribal bigotry, and in parallel by suppressive security crackdown and actions. Today, there are still many people imprisoned on the account of Sada wars.

The unilateral pronouncement of the President in July 2008 of an end to the war in Sada, and its actual cessation, came to confirm that war breaks out and ends by the wish of the regime.

Sada wars also showed that internal wars are a useful mechanism in the hands of the regime to manage the country without any regard to constitution and law, lives, rights and properties of people let alone their freedoms. They also reveal the extent ofdevastation the authority inflects upon the society as a result of promoting the feelings of animosity among citizens and fueling violence tendencies for the sake of stayingin power.

c. Economic Manifestations of the crisis:

Economic and social symptoms of the crisis represent one of the key challenges facing our country and agonizing the whole society especially the poor and limited income people whose number increases day after day to represent the vast majority of the citizenry. This is not an incidental situation but is a chronic case not only ascribed to inherited historical retardation, scarce resources and dominance of traditional setups…etc. It is rather something integrally related to the nature of the autocratic regime resting on a factional centralization. This regime deliberately dealt with  resources and national wealth as gain to be shared among the oligarchic group, their relatives and affiliates. It dealt with the people of the country as a human surplus that distorts the luxury of this oligarchy that, in its opinion, should have the right in sharing wealth, financial and economic resources. For this reason, the regime followed a constant approach in dealing with the fluctuating economic crisis. That approach was based on making the poor, limited income people, and owners of small and medium possessions, bear the costs of economic the required economic adjustments. These wrong and retarded policies exacerbated the suffering of the people and burdened the citizens with the increasing costs of goods and services.

The authority kept avoiding tackling the real causes of the economic crisis, which are topped by corruption and misadministration. What happened was completely  the contrary; corruption was unleashed and the mafia of illegal interests dominated. Hence, corruption, unfortunately, became a regular practice to manage the country and a tool to monopolize, own and secure  power as well as inheriting it to the sons thereafter. The development process and plans became merely tools to seize national wealth and an element for political propaganda.

Corruption forces amplified, their interests enlarged and their financial balances grew. These forces are dominating different elements in the country and a substantial part of the economic resources of the country are private assets and properties for grand corrupts.

As opportunities for the oligarchy and their related interest groups grow bigger and bigger, the vast majority of people are living in destitution and harsh conditions under the negligence of their interests, and the rocketingInflation rates, prices of goods, services, and essential food, accommodation, education and prices of health services . This is ascribed to the unwise expenditures policies, the continuing high spending on unnecessary celebrations, exhibition projects, foreign travel and unjustified current expenditures; let alone the distribution of public revenues to national economy sectors and state facilities in an unfair and arbitrary manner. The evidence is that, the expenditures of defense and security are rapidly increasing, while expenditures on socio-economic development sectors are in steadfast decline. In contrast, the pressure of inflation on prices is persistent. The real things that continue to grow uninterruptedly are the rates all types of unemployment, , poverty of all aspects and with all its destructive and serious impacts.

This approach, in light of fragile institutional structures of the state, the dominating corruption, and the disabled and unqualified economic management, led to:

  1. Wasting the economic and financial resources and high rates of cash surpluses in the state budget gained by our country in the recent years as a result of high oil prices and increasing production.
  2. Eroding the country’s vital capacities, resources and wealth, and  preventing  the establishment of a solid base for a real economic, political, social and cultural development.
  3. Failing to absorb loans and grants from donors for different development fields.
  4. Diminishing the role of private investments in the development process. Our country saw an enormous flight of capital abroad and a remarkable regression in the contribution of private sector in development. This is attributed to the continuous suffering of the private sector, being subject to harassment and extortion and the policy of “expulsion” practiced against the private sector from influential elements and corruption circles. This is in addition to the deteriorating services.
  5. Rapid and continuous deterioration in living standards of people, the exacerbating of the problems of poverty and unemployment, their ascending trends, the constant increase in prices, the unfair distribution of resources, the widening of the income gap, the lack of equal economic opportunities, the monopoly of few influential people and  corrupt brokers of the majority of country resources to an extent that those people became exorbitantly rich. The middle class was also squeezed and eroded, depriving  the society from its important role as a leverage for development and improvement. All that led to the suffering of the majority of people in terms of destitution, unemployment and deprivation from the basic economic and social rights.
  6. Deterioration of education in terms of types and quality. In addition, education outputs, in terms of specializations and specifications, do not meet the requirements of development plans and the needs in the labor market internally and externally. Illiteracy rates are also skyrocketing.
  7. Absence of public health services and the deterioration of the existing ones. In addition, water, electricity, social and basic services that should be provided by the government is in decadence.
  8. Absence of comprehensive rural development, which means the marginalization and deprivation of the majority of the population from development benefits. More than 70% of the population are living in rural areas.

This diagnosis of the symptoms and trends of the general crisis in the country is not a luxury work, nor it is merely to record points of objection on the current situation. It is rather a national effort that aims at creating solutions and serious treatments for the true causes of this crisis. The goal  isto rescue the country from the current situation and its dire consequences, not the least of which is becoming a failed, or threatened failing,    state.

The crisis, with all its manifestations, will continue to expand and broaden with the growing political, administrative, economic and financial corruption produced by the autocratic regime and the personalized state. The crisis will exacerbate more and more with the regression of democratic and political participation process, the lack of institutionalized nation state and the rules and principles of good governance.

International reports, with all its official and international data and figures, highlight the seriousness and magnitude of the crisis, the imbalances that proliferate in the state bodies and institutions putting the country apparently in among the failed or on the edge of failing states.

Based on the above,  Yemenis, with all their categories and groups, political and social forces, do have one last option before it is too late. The option is the national salivation to rescue the country from the cycle of repeated crisis, returning it to its natural path, the path of envisaged economic and social prosperity.

Section Two:  Solutions

This vision’s comprehensive solutions and qualitative treatments  are motivated by keen interest in achieving the main purpose of salvaging  the country from the trap of the prevailing complex and crunching crisis. The vision also aims at reviving the spirit and contents of the peaceful unification (on the 22nd of May 990) and at rejuvenating the national democratic project as a key entry point to solve and address different aspects of this perilous crisis. The core of this crisis is the southern issue, Sada issue, the regressed economic and social conditions. This is important to save the people, presently and in the future, from the cyclone of aggravating violence, and escalating disturbances and to relief the peoples’ suffering while pursuing livelihood, access to services and to escape a total and direful collapse.

Any serious approach to achieve this envisaged endeavor need to focus primarily on defining the steps and procedures that may halt the current exacerbating and dangerous pace of the crisis so our country does not remain in the dark tunnel indefinitely.

However, achieving that cannot be realized with superficial treatments. There need to be awareness raising among the public of the importance of their struggle, using all legitimate peaceful means, to grab their right of expressing themselves and their will, as well as practicing all rights and freedoms guaranteed by Holy religions and enshrined in the provisions of the constriction, national laws and international conventions in addition to challenging any violations of whatever source so people can feel that they control their decisions and can impose their will with no fears on their lives, substances or honor. This is in order not to keep all doors of change and reform through deep and strategic solutions closed before sincere and good national efforts.

First: Urgent Salvation Tasks and Solutions (halting the collapse)

These urgent solutions and treatments aim at stopping the pace of collapse and to prevent the immediate catastrophic hazards of the national crisis. This can be achieved by resolving the southern issue with all its legal and political dimensions, fairly and comprehensively so the south can have its natural national position as a party in the national equation and as a real partner in power and wealth in a national partnership state. This is a critical entry point for a comprehensive national solution for the aggravating situation under which the vast majority of people in all parts of the country live. This necessities the immediate halting of use of force, violence and civil wars and the dominance of military mentality in political and civil live under any title. There need to be work to restore hope to those suffering injustice and those having rightful demands and to confirm to them that if the society is collaborating, it can defeat injustice, restore rights and overcome the current situation regardless of its degree of misery.

There needs to be a focus to achieve the following:

Creating appropriate political atmosphere:

  1. Halting military campaigns, apprehensions, crackdowns and chasing of political activists and the activists of the peaceful movement in the south; releasing all political detainees and ending the arbitrary political trails; resuming payments of salaries for those whose salaries were arbitrarily cut.
  2. Treat injured people, compensate the families of those who died in peaceful protests, and prosecute the murderers.
  3. The immediate release of political detainees and all those imprisoned for political accusations and compensate them for physical and moral damages.
  4. Put an end to the widespread military deployment in cities, withdraw military and security deployments and return back the military to its barracks and disband the armed civil groups formed by the authority.
  5. Abolish all laws, resolutions, instructions and orders that restrict public rights and freedoms in violation to the constitution and in particular the following:
  • Those relating to the suppression of peaceful political events and the laws that restrict public rights and freedoms.
  • Put an end to the press massacre that defamed Yemen.
  • Immediate compensation for all newspapers and media websites that were subjected to unfair and illegal actions.
  • Involving all political forces and parties in a national dialogue following an agreed upon mechanism and ensuring the normalization of the affairs in the flaming southern governorates and in all parts of the country.
  1. Restoring the right of equal citizenship with its branching elements of not endangering the right in public jobs, which, due to the awful partisan intolerance, was eliminated from administrative reality and remained only a formality in the constitution and law. In this respect, a number of grievances should be resolved, especially:
  • Reinstating dismissed employees in their jobs.
  • Releasing all suspended promotions for all those who deserve promotions pursuant to the law.
  • Appointing those meeting legal conditions (independents and from the opposition) in administrative leadership positions (deputy minister position and below) they deserve but their non-affiliation to the ruling party prevented them from having these rights.
  • Compensating fully and immediately all those whose lands were looted. Their lands should be restored and they should be compensated for all financial and moral damages.
  1. Loosening the security fist on the administrative body of the state.
  2. Abandoning totalitarian policies that seize civil society organizations and annex them to the authority and its ruling party.
  3. Prosecuting and trying all those who violated human rights either from high or low ranking officials in all parts of the country, especially in southern provinces and Sada governorate.

10.  Enabling the security organizations to restore the peoples’ confidence in them, and regain their respect by giving these organizations the full right to maintain security independently from any interference or engagement in its national noble mission from the side of any illegal groups. Malicious and wrongful campaigns of mobilization of security organizations against those who carry different opinions need to be stopped. Those appointed in the organizations need to be qualified in dealing humanly, legally and with national sense with the people who claim for their rights in civilized and peaceful manner.

11.  Defining  agreed upon practical mechanism to ensure the impartiality of public institutions (army, police, security, funds, media, jobs…etc.) at all central and local administrative levels, as provided in the constitution and applicable laws.

  • Removing the effects of 1994 war through a comprehensive national settlement leading to:
  1. Resolving the issues of civil and military employees who were dismissed, suspended, forcibly referred to retirement and those who sought refuge abroad and return them back to their jobs and pay their legal entitlements.
  2. Paying the salaries and entitlements of those who lost their incomes due to the looting or privatization of public corporations and companies they used to work for.
  3. Establish a national authority for reconciliation and justice with representation from suspended and damaged employees and the relevant bodies. This authority shall decide on the complaints and grievances of those who were suspended and eliminated and its decisions and actions shall be obligatory to relevant government bodies.
  4. Returning back all looted properties to individuals, parties, syndicates or the state, and halting all actions of land possession, returning back the illegally allocated lands and giving priority of land use to local people.
  5. Prosecuting corrupt officials who were involved in the wasting of the state lands, properties and resources, public funds and cooperatives properties. This should start with high ranking officials responsible for looting in the south because their actions resulted in negative manifestations that complicated the national crisis. All looted properties should be restored.
  6. Returning back farmers who were expelled from the usufruct lands and those who lost their land possessions in the south as a consequence of the war. Those people should be returned to their houses and lands.
  7. Treating all victims of 1994 war as martyrs and equally treat those who were injured, their families and the families of the martyrs in terms of care and rights.
  8. Communicating with the parties of southern peaceful struggle and the leaders who are outside the country to invite them to a national comprehensive serious dialogue to accommodate their concerns and to restore their rights and consideration away from any calls for fragmentation that add to the divisions within the Yemeni society.
  9. Abandoning the culture of glorifying civil wars, the calls for revenge and political retaliation in education curriculum and media outlets and removing all forms of injustice, discrimination and exclusion against the cultural, artistic and social heritage of different parts of the south.
  • Addressing the impacts of previous political wars and conflicts:

Addressing all impacts of previous political wars and conflicts, including the 1978 events, compensating for all material and moral damages inflected to organizations and people as a result thereof, restoring the esteem for all their victims, compensating them and their families for all damages, repudiating all political verdicts and trials against them, facilitating the return of those who fled the country and ensuring all their civil and political rights under the framework of a total and comprehensive treatment.

  • War in Sada:

Working expeditiously to resolve the volatile situation in Sada by putting it on a comprehensive national dialogue table with the participation of the Houthis. Renewed hostilities triggers, causes and reasons should be eliminated in this part of the country (Sada). The destruction and horrible material and moral effects of the war should be treated, damages people incurred should be compensated for and reconstruction should start taking into account that the country will never stabilize unless equal citizenship is recognized, admitting the right of other to live decently, complying with rules regulating democratic live and public and private rights and freedoms, and the freedom of thought that is enshrined in the constitution.

  • Resolving revenge and local violence cases:

Concluding a general settlement between disputing tribes in preparation to address and conclusively resolve all pending revenge cases, criminalizing revenge acts and all those who commit these acts thereafter.

Second: Building a Modern Nation-state

  1. 1. General Principles:

The following principles represent the bases for building a democratic state that promotes the values of freedom, social justice and national independence on the base of decentralization in a form that materialized national partnership in power and resources, on the principles of good governance based on monitoring, transparency and accountability as means to create an institutional state resting on law and order as a guarantee to continue the path of building a modern Yemeni state relying on the following principles:

  1. The Republic of Yemen is an independent and sovereign Arabic and Islamic state. The Republic is an indivisible state and no part thereof may be assigned. The Yemeni people are part of the Arab and Muslim nation.
  2. Islam is the religion of the state and Arabic language is its official language.
  3. Islamic shaira is the source of all legislations.
  4. The people are the possessor and the source of power, which they exercise directly through public referendums and elections, or indirectly through the legislative, executive and judicial authorities, as well as through elected local councils.
  5. The political system of the Republic of Yemen is based on political and partisan pluralism in order to achieve a peaceful transformation of power. The Law stipulates rules and procedures required for the formation of political organizations and parties, and the exercise of political activity. Misuse of Governmental posts and public funds for the special interest of a specific party or organization is not permitted.
  6. The state confirms its adherence to the UN Charter, the Univedrsal Declaration on Human Rights, the Charter of the Arab League, and dogma of international law which are generally recognized.
  7. Adherence to democracy, political and partisan pluralism and the peaceful  transfer of power through free and fair elections.
  8. The rule of law is the foundation for the governance system in the country.
  9. The principle of separation of powers as an overarching rule for constitutional regulation of the legislative, judicial and executive powers of the state.

10.  Building the state on the principle of decentralization pursuant to options proposed by this vision.

11.  Adoption of a parliamentary  system.

12.  Strengthening the principle of equality of all citizens before the law with no discrimination; adopting transparency and accountability principles with all those joining public jobs starting from the President of the country and the prime minister down to the lowest ranks; canceling all immunities granted by the current constitution to the president, the vice-president, the prime minister, the deputies of the prime minister, the ministers, the vice-ministers, the parliamentarians, the judges and all decentralized bodies provided with immunity under the current laws protecting them from being held accountable and responsible.

13.  Ensuring the neutrality of the state civil, military and security bodies; distinguishing between the state resources and the resources of the ruler and the ruling party; and criminalizing any abuse or use of public funds and resources for personal or partisan interests.

14.  The state guarantees equal citizenship and the right of every citizen, based on merits, to take a public position that is consistent with his/her qualifications and skills.

15.  Public administration units shall observe the principle of transparency in their work and grant the right to individuals, organizations, stakeholders and different media means to review the activities of these departments and to obtain copies of work-related documents. This should be considered as an obligation on any department and the appropriate punishments should be imposed on any employee not fulfilling this obligation.

16.  Ban any change to the political system or any acts to achieve political, economic, social or cultural goals by means of violence and armed force and consider these acts as qualifying their perpetrators to criminal liability.

17.  The state shall guarantee the right of life and physical safety for all citizens. The state shall take necessary legislative and institutional measures to respect and protect human rights and basic freedoms, enable the enjoyment and practice of these rights, prohibit any action or legislation that hinders or diminishes these rights and consider the same as a constitutional crime that entails criminal prosecution of its culprits and inciters pursuant to the punishments stated in the law.

18.  Incorporate all provisions of international human rights treaties (ratified by the state) in national legislations and not issuing or enacting any legislations or regulations that breach or jeopardize these rights in whatever form.

19.  Freedom of the formation of parties with no requirements to obtain any licenses form any administrative body and any person may challenge the formation of any party before judiciary.

20.  Ensuring civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of women and enable them of practicing all citizenship rights.

21.  Preventing any legislative council from issuing any laws that abolish or restrict freedoms of expression.

22.  Ensuring the right of all citizens to access information and knowledge from their sources with no hindrances

23.  Guaranteeing the right of individuals, parties, organizations and institutions to own video and audio media means (terrestrial and satellite) along with press and electronic means.

24.  Ensuring the freedom of press and media means, prohibiting any censorship, suspension or cancellation through administrative methods and make judiciary the only entity that monitors  the performance of these means through claims from stakeholders.

25.  Journalists have the right to obtain news and information through channels identified in the law with no powers exercised on them except the powers of law.

26.  Citizens do have the right in the peaceful change, the expression of their political, economic, social and cultural opinions and preferences following civil methods such as marches, demonstrations, sit ins, civil commotion and different forms of peaceful actions and mechanism. No governmental, legislative or  judicial authority have any right to hinder or diminish these rights in whatsoever way. Any action, work or legislation that hinders or diminishes these rights shall represent a constitutional crime that requires criminal prosecution of its perpetrator and inciter in line with punishments identified in the law.

27.  Creation of a strong civil society, deriving its strength from the establishment of strong organizations independent from the dominance of the authority and parties and able to represent and defend society interests.

28.  The state guarantees the protection of natural resources, water, animals and plants and enacting necessary legislations for such protection.

  1. 2. Developing the state on the base of decentralization

The development of a state structure on the base of decentralization is an inevitable necessity to ensure fair distribution of power and resources, preventing despotism, power monopoly, autocracy and authority bequest. It also targets meeting the demands of people as manifested in the national crisis aspects in the country for strengthening the national unity, expending political participation, achieving democratic transformation and ensuing the peaceful transfer of power.

In its internal discussions, PCND recommended the set up and building of a decentralized state to ensure national partnership in power and resources for all Yemenis is the optimal formula for maintaining a unified Yemen on the path of stability and development along with an associated plural, democratic political system realizing justice, equality, peoples’ participation and peaceful transfer of power.

In this respect, the PCND is recommending the following options (subject to dialogue):

Option:           Local governance as contained in the covenant document.

Option:           Federation

Option:           Full authority local governance

Regardless of the option to be agreed upon through the expanded national dialogue, such option has to be based on the following principles:

1. Decentralized and regional units should be divided and identified according to a field study taking into account objective standards as well as political, economic and social dimensions including:

  1. National and political dimension: This targets strengthening the elements of community partnership in national unity, creating integration of reciprocal interests and benefits including the necessary relations and links for social and national integration. This is essential to overcome traditional tribal, regional and sectarian differences and allegiances and to foster national culture and the spirit of affiliation to the one Yemeni country.
  2. Geographical dimension: Taking into consideration the spatial, geographic and climatic similarities, the required infrastructure elements for easy communication and transportation that will strengthen the ability of effective management of the regions and to create a kind of competition ensuring efficiency, fairness and balance in provision of services to the people.
  3. Taking into account the population and demographic balance between the new regions to achieve fair developmental progress of regions.
  4. Economic dimension: related to balancing the elements of economic life and livelihood of people in terms of natural and human resources available for each region as indicated by geological maps and natural resources maps to ensure the availability of self resources for each region and to realize fair distribution of resources and wealth.
  5. Each region should have a seaport easing its commercial activity (import and export). Moreover, coastal lines benefit in tourism and fisheries fields boosting development in regions in a balanced manner.

3. Free, fair and direct elections for decentralized authorities and leaders and adopting the principle of rotation of jobs to ensure real materialization of democratic practiced broadly and to motivate the peoples’ participation in political life.

3. Clear constitutional definitions for centralized and decentralized powers and authorities based on the principle of power sharing and to enable decentralized elected bodies of administering their affairs in relation to issues of labor, public jobs, education, health, housing, transportation, roads, construction, urban planning, domestic trade, social and economic affairs, cultural events, police and security tasks…. and other public services including the right to appoint executive leaders, state employees and dismissing them, the right of monitoring and holding accountable different implementation activities in the region, the right to set local taxes and fees, issuing regulations related to the decentralized governance, taking measures to protect state lands and properties, the endowments in the regions and other non-sovereign functions in line with the general policies of the state and the applicable constitution. The constitution shall explicitly state the central sovereign functions of the state, regulates the relationship between central and local agencies regarding joint activities, and the issues of dealing with sovereign functions and resources related to the main elements such as defense, external trade, international relations and sovereign natural resources.

3. Establishing a parliamentarian system:

The proposition of the parliamentarian system is an option put forward by the PCND but it does not seize the right of other national dialogue parties of making their own proposals within a serious national dialogue. The parliamentarian system proposed in this vision is as follows:

a. Formation and shape of the legislative authority:

  1. Formation of the legislative authority on bicameral basis (parliament and Shura council), the term of each shall be four years.
  2. The parliament shall compose of 301 members elected through free and direct secret ballot under the proportional list system.
  3. The Shura council shall compose of a number of members not exceeding half the number of the parliament members. They should all be elected through free, and direct secret ballot with equal representation of regions. This representation shall be considered upon discussing the council regulation and its voting system.
  4. Parliament and Shura council members shall not be appointed in any executive posts except in the premiership and membership of the cabinet. They also may not combine between membership of the legislative bodies and local councils or any other positions in local authorities.
  5. Activating the monitoring role of the legislative authority. The Central Organization for Control and Auditing shall be under the full supervision of and reporting to the Parliament.

Competencies of the two legislative councils:

1. Competencies of the joint session of both councils:

“The National Council”

The National Council (the joint session of both councils) shall decide on the following:

  • Electing and dismissing of the president of the republic.
  • Approving of the declaration of war and emergency state.
  • Approving of national amnesty decrees.
  • Approving of the general policies of the state.
  • Approving of agreements that entail modification of the state or federation boundaries with other states, the coalition, defense, settlement or peace.
  • Indicting the president of the republic or the prime minister in case of committing any act in violation to the constitution, inactivating the provisions of the constitution or applicable laws or perjury.

2. Competencies of the parliament:

  • Proposing, discussing and approving laws, except those laws that fall within the competency of the National Council or the Shura Council.
  • Granting to and withdraw confidence from the government.
  • Initial discussion and approval of the proposed state budget, its annex budget, following discussions and voting on each chapter of the budget. The parliament has the right to make   necessary changes to the budget to ensure fair distribution of projects, the scientific bases of projects and to preserve national resources.
  • Discussing final accounts of the state for previous years and voting on every chapter of these accounts.
  • Selecting the President of the Central Organization for Control and Auditing from a list of nominees to be developed by a committee where all parliament blocs are equally represented therein.
  • Initial discussion and approval of the development plan projects.
  • Initial discussion and approval of laws related to regulating state powers, basic rights of citizens, local governance affairs and especially the following laws: judiciary law, cabinet law and regions division law.
  • Control over the performance of the executive authority. The Parliament may issue obligatory decisions in public affairs.

3. Competencies of the Shura Council:

  • Second reading and final approval of laws related to regulating state powers, basic rights of citizens or local governance affairs, and the following laws in particular: judiciary law, cabinet law and regions division law.
  • Second reading and final approval of development plan projects.
  • Second reading and final approval of the proposed state budget and annex budgets.
  • Select members of the following institutions: Supreme Judicial Council, Constitutional Court, Supreme Elections Commission, Governor of the Central Bank and its sub-governors. (members of these institutions shall be selected from lists of nominees developed by a parliamentary committee representing equally all blocs).
  • Selection of the chairmen and members of the following institutions: National Media Council and the Supreme Endowments Council.
  • Approve the appointment of the following civil and military leaders: governor of the Central Bank + army chief of staff, its deputies and assistants + chairman of the civil service authority, based on a nomination from the government, and the Attorney General, based on a nomination from the Supreme Judicial Council.
  • Approve the appointment of ambassadors to other countries and representatives to international and regional organizations.

b. Executive authority:

  1. The president of the republic is the symbol of the state and its unity. The president shall assume the known protocol tasks under parliamentarian systems according to the mandate stated in the constitution. The president shall be elected for a term of five years in the joint session of the parliament and Shura council. The president may be reelected for one additional term only. The president shall perform the constitutional oath in a joint session of both councils.
  2. The parliamentarian majority (the majority party or the majority coalition) shall form the government. The prime minister is the person in charge of the government performance.
  3. The government is the actual executive power in the state. All ministries, authorities, institutions and executive bodies either civil or military shall be under the control of the government except institutions enjoying special autonomy pursuant to the constitution. The government is the master of its own decisions and shall bear all consequences of its actions by being subject to the parliamentary control and accountability. The prime minister shall nominate members of his/her cabinet for presentation to the parliament. The parliament shall grant confidence for each individual member of the cabinet. The prime minister shall present the cabinet program to the cabinet requesting confidence thereon. The prime minister and members of the cabinet shall perform the constitutional oath before the president of the republic.
  4. It is prohibited that any of the president or prime minister’s family members (to the fourth grade) assumes any of the following posts: chairman of the Supreme Judicial Council, governor of the Central Bank and sub-governors, army chief of staff and his deputies and assistants, commanders of armed forces branches (land, marine and air forces), their deputies and assistants, heads of security and intelligence agencies and their deputies and assistants, chairman of the Central Organization for Control and Auditing, his deputies and assistants, chairman and members of the Supreme Elections Commission.

Competencies of the President of the Republic:

  • Representing the state in protocol events internally and externally.
  • Accepting credentials of diplomatic missions to the state after approval of the cabinet.
  • Issuing laws approved by the parliament.
  • Granting accolades and badges according to proposals from the prime minister.
  • Issuing international laws, treats and conventions within 15 days of approval by the legislative authority.
  • Issuing amnesty decrees after approval of the National Council.
  • Inviting the parliament and Shura council to hold their first sessions within seven days following announcement of elections results. In case this invitation is not issued, each council shall hold its first session on the seventh day following the announcement of elections results.
  • Assigning the head of the majority party or coalition to form the new government.
  • Calling for early elections based on a request from the prime minister.
  • Calling for a referendum based on a request from the prime minister.

Competencies of the government:

  • Preparing its political program and implement its contents after winning the confidence of the parliament.
  • Guiding, supervising and controling the work of ministries, executive authorities, institutions and bodies from both public and private sectors.
  • Monitoring the adherence to laws and regulations by all state bodies.
  • Concluding loans pursuant to the constitution.
  • Preparing the draft state budget and final accounts.
  • Preparing proposals of development plans and present the same to the National Council for approval and taking necessary implementation actions after approval from both councils.
  • Appointing and dismiss civil and military government officials according to the law.
  • Nominating ambassadors to foreign countries and representatives to regional and international organizations and nominate senior civil and military officials whose appoint should be approved by the parliament or the Shura council.
  • Negotiating and sign international conventions and refer the same to the legislative authority for ratification.
  • Granting accolades and medals or permit receiving accolades granted by other countries pursuant to the law.
  • Developing draft laws.
  • Issue executive and organizational regulations, provided these regulations shall not contain any provisions that contradicts with the provisions of applicable laws or exempting anybody from implementing these laws.

c. Judicial authority:

The proposed reforms of the judicial authority aim to ensure independence of judiciary from the executive authority and to finalize the structure of judicial authority through: election of the Supreme Judicial Council and granting it full powers to administer the affairs of judicial authority, creation of a constitutional court with its independent structure, establish administrative courts as a separate body from conventional courts and prohibit the creation of extraordinary courts.

Supreme Judicial Council:

The reform of judicial authority requires the existence of real guarantees for its independency and effectiveness. Among these guarantees is to establish a Supreme Judicial Council with full powers to administer the affairs of judicial authority. Members of this council shall be selected following a mechanism representing the will of community and its approaches in relation to judicial authority. This mechanism shall ensure the selection of qualified people for membership of the council. This shall be realized through electing this council by representatives of the people (parliament and Shura councils). These members should be judges, senior lawyers and law professors having qualifications and integrity .

Competencies of the Supreme Judicial Council are as follows:

  • Proposing general policies to improve performance of judiciary.
  • Proposing and study legislations related to the judiciary affairs.
  • Appointing judges and members of public prosecution as well as their transfer, secondment, retirement, accepting their resignations, suspending them from work and their discipline. In general, the council shall assume all tasks related to the functions of judiciary and public prosecution.
  • Reviewing the results of periodic inspection on the works of judges and public prosecutors, investigate in complaints made against them and taking necessary legal actions in this regard.
  • Reviewing demands and grievances of judges in any matters related to their jobs.
  • Preparing the budget of judicial authority and supervise its execution.
  • Any other competencies as stated in the law.

Constitutional Court:

Proposed reforms aim at establishing an independent constitutional court. The assignment of the constitutional court tasks to one department at the supreme court proved to be ineffective. Effectiveness of this court can be ensured be having its members elected through a joint session for the parliament and Shura councils representing the will of people. Candidates for membership of this court shall be selected from among judges, senior lawyers and law professors who enjoy integrity and qualification.

Competencies of the Constitutional Court:

  • Ensure the constitutionality of laws and regulations.
  • Decide on disputes related to jurisdiction between judicial authorities.
  • Decide on cases were two contradictory conclusive verdicts are issued.
  • Decide on disputes over competences between central and local authorities.
  • Interpret the constitution and legislative provisions of laws and regulations.
  • Prosecute the president of the republic, the prime minister, their deputies and the ministers.
  • Any other competencies as stated in the law.

Formation of administrative courts and their competencies:

Strengthening the state of law requires the existence of a judicial authority that protects the legitimacy and rule of law in the state. This can be realized by forming an independent judicial authority to decide on administrative disputes. Members of this authority should have sufficient qualification and experience to undertake their tasks and should be specifically qualified for this tasks so as to perform their duties properly. The administrative judiciary shall compose of: a supreme administrative court, an appeal administrative court and first instance administrative courts in governorates.

4. Decentralized agencies and bodies:

The constitution (the new social contract) and laws emanating from it shall contain all provisions related to decentralized agencies and bodies.

5. Reform of the electoral system:

The proportional representation system shall be adopted. Impartiality of the Supreme Elections commission shall be guaranteed plus the independence of the electoral administration in all its phases. This can be achieved by equal participation of key political players in the Supreme Elections Commission and its field committees.

1. Adopting proportional representation (list) system as an alternative electoral system ensuring:

  • Fair representation for all categories of community.
  • The formation of effective legislative authority that can handle its tasks properly.
  • Strengthen national unity, social solidarity and deepen the feelings of affiliation to broader national circle.
  • Women representation in the parliament shall not be less than 15%.

2. Ensuring independence and impartiality of the electoral administration:

It means, in the first instance, the Supreme Elections Committee, then its branches and affiliated committees. The Commission shall not be formed unilaterally by any political party. The formation of the Commission, its branches and committees shall reflect a real balance between key political parties as a true and effective guarantee of its impartiality in implementing its mandate. A defined legal mechanism shall be approved for the formation of SCER following the criteria of balance, independence in functions and transparency in all its actions.

  • Restructuring the administrative and technical body of SCER following civil service standards and conditions (advertisements and competition between those meeting the conditions) and cancel any administrative formations in the headquarter or branches that are not in line with this framework.
  • Providing necessary legal, political and technical guarantee to ensure actual neutrality of public media means, public jobs, military and security in political competitions.

6. Restore the national nature of armed forces and security:

Restore the national nature of armed forces and security, define their role in harmony with the constitution, the democratic parliamentarian system, the requirements of political pluralism and peaceful transfer of power through the following:

  • Building armed forces and security on national principles based on the constitution and law, the respect of the peoples’ will and choice, prohibiting partisan biasness or any use of these institutions in political conflicts between parties and to maintain their role in protecting the country, its sovereignty and independence.
  • Consolidating centers of command and control in all armed forces and security and prevent any discrimination in rights and duties, material and moral incentives among army and security units. Enact legislations to ensure that all appointments and promotions are based on seniority and qualifications.
  • Reforming the Ministry of Interior, police and security institutions as a civil body, eliminating duplication and overlapping in formations and competencies with the armed forces, improve the efficiency in combating crime, and securing stability and respecting human rights.
  • Preparing and qualifying armed forces an security institutions, provide means of descent life for their members and ensure they are awarded all their rights.
  • Affiliation of armed forces and all security agencies is to the cabinet in all their affairs.

7. Reforming administration and combating corruption:

  1. Developing a national human resources development strategy to improve performance and efficiency and to meet the requirements of local labor market and to compete for regional job opportunities.
  2. Adopting the principle of workforce planning, the principles and rules of modern scientific administration.
  3. Developing modern administrative regulations for all state bodies and institutions to meet the demands of the society of services and facilities and to cover the population served by these jobs and to ensure elimination of job duplication, overlapping competencies and to match responsibilities with granted authorities.
  4. Surveying, analyzing, categorizing, describing and organizing public jobs according to roles, responsibilities and conditions for recruitment in these jobs according to the organizational structure and objectives of each government institution.
  5. Adopting the criteria of merit, competency, capacity, seniority and qualifications in appointments in public jobs. Adopt the principle of open competition for joining public jobs in light of these criteria and forbid any trading in or selling public jobs.
  6. Change the wage scale to cope with economic changes and widespread poverty to ensure descent life for all employees.
  7. Develop work methodologies and procedures and employees evaluation and appraisal methods based on objective criteria to assist in sound implementation of reward and punishment principle away from randomness, subjectivity and nepotism.
  8. The strict implementation of the constitution text and essence in banning senior state leaders from performing, directly or indirectly, any commercial, financial or industrial activities, and from buying or selling any of the state properties, even through public auctions, and from renting or selling any of their properties to the state, and from contributing in any contracts concluded by the government or public institutions or combining between their official posts and membership in the boards of any companies.
  9. The serious combating of the widespread corruption, the organized wasting and looting of public funds. Such phenomena are wasting the efforts and resources of development. The serious and destructive complications of such phenomena shall be prevented and its causes and sources of proliferation shall be eliminated benefiting from relevant international organizations and agencies in this field.

10.  Activating the role of independent judiciary in protecting rights and properties.

11.  The government shall adhere to the principle of transparency. Government resolutions and decisions should be justified. This principle shall be widely applied and, in particular, in the following fields:

  • Ensuring the right of citizens, civil society organizations and press to access and use information and exercise their role in monitoring and accountability.
  • Providing legal protection for journalists and media institutions and their rights to access information and to review official documents, data and records. All obstacles and obstructions hindering press and national media means from undertaking their envisaged and necessary role in control and accountability shall be removed.
  • Adhering to transparency in final accounts and make them available to the control bodies and to the public.
  • Adhering to transparency and publicity in all works, actions and sessions of the High Tender Board and create a mechanism for the selection of its members to ensure integrity in its works.
  • Benefiting from international programs and expertise in this field.

Third: Economic Reforms

  1. Reforming the economic administration within comprehensive institutional reforms. A national strategy for sustainable and comprehensive development (human and productive) to develop economic resources, expand sources of national income, strengthening the role of public, private and cooperative sectors to ensure increased production, fair distribution and linking education outputs to development requirements and labor market demand.
  2. Adopting an economic policy that catalyzes sustainable economic growth synchronized with real human development. The following objectives need to be on top of this strategy goals: alleviating poverty and unemployment, equality in distribution of income and improving the livelihood of citizens, especially those of limited income.
  3. Rearranging economic priorities by focusing on promising and renewable economic sectors, paying attention to re-export business, the optimum exploitation of the unique geographic location of Yemen as a regional business center for the enormous advantages of its seaports (such as Aden seaport) via providing appropriate infrastructure, the friendly legal framework and the honest and capable administration.
  4. Directing economic reform and development processes towards achieving social justice with its human aspects and involving broader groups in development leading to shrinking poverty and unemployment and achieving social security through:
  • Serious review of the poverty incidence. Adopt deep solutions, design and implement realistic (rather than propaganda) programs of real and tangible impacts to reduce this phenomenon and control its causes towards full elimination thereof.
  • Taking all necessary actions to control inflation and depreciation of real income. Stop discretionary actions (price increases) that only affect poor citizens and push them towards the edge of severe poverty…etc.
  • Reviewing the increasing trend of unemployment, which currently represents a substantial hazard on socio-economic situation. Take studied and urgent actions to avoid the serious crisis, which impacts are reflected on Yemeni people, households and society.
  1. The state institutions shall assume their strategic tasks, especially in creating and strengthening effective institutional mechanism centrally and locally to manage a real partnership between the state and the private sector. This partnership should be in formulating and coordinating policies and following their implementation. This is in addition to the peoples’ participation meaning the actual involvement of civil society organizations in defining development priorities, selecting appropriate tools and policies for implementation and distribution of returns.
  2. Supporting and encourage the private sector to enable it of assuming its role in development and investment in all aspects of economic activity, and in particular: goods production sectors, human development, basic services such as education, health, electricity, water and roads. The aim shall be to realize the efficient use of resources, the attraction of migrant Yemeni capitals and foreign investments and to actively contribute in absorbing unemployment and the new workforce joining labor market.
  3. Creating a friendly economic environment for investment and savings, achieve continuous increase in the rates of both, away from parasitic influences and persistent corruption and bureaucracy. Bolstering integration and merger processes among private investment banks, their restructuring and capitalization….etc. with focus on supporting export production sectors, and enhancing their capacities to improve quality and competitiveness in local and foreign markets.
  4. Establishing an advanced database covering the fields of money, investment, markets and technology. Adhere to transparency and protecting economic and social indicators of the country from any official manipulation or politicizing. Development and reform processes and decisions should be based on institutional work and scientific researches rather than on randomness improvising and subjectivity.
  5. Reforming monetary and fiscal policy, adopt full clarity and transparency in the state budget and not including any unclassified items in the budget under any justifications. Abolish the practice of supplementary budgets, reform financial legislations and add new and strict controls and conditions preventing such cases.

10.  Ensuring full autonomy of the Central Bank of Yemen to enable it of undertaking its role following advanced objective and practical bases as the institution in charge of drawing the fiscal policy, control over the banking sector, developing and investing the cash reserves of the country, stabilizing prices, curbing inflation pressures, stabilizing the value of national currency and boosting economic growth.

11.  Restructuring the state budget to make it an effective tool in comprehensive reforms and implementing sound economic policies.

12.  Rationalizing government spending, prohibit wasteful spending, increase development spending with priority to be given to education, health and basic social services sectors. Redistribute resources fairly to realize economic and social stability and to foster economic growth.

13.  Working to establish a stock exchange market, organize the movement of capital away from monopoly, expropriation and other forms of corruption to ensure mobilizing local and foreign savings and investing them on bases of transparency and economic efficiency.

14.  Assigning to the parliament a bigger role in allocation of resources to basic sectors and set expenditures limits that the government has to comply with.

15.  Serious attention to the water and power crisis affecting vast areas of the country and adversely reflecting itself on human life, agricultural and economic development.

16.  Strengthening and boost economic partnership and trade with Arab and Muslim countries.

17.  Within the negotiations to accede the WTO (which Yemen is about to have full membership therein), Yemen should avoid precautions and negative aspects and to maximally benefit from all exemptions and preferential treatment granted to least developed countries and involve the private sector in the preparations and negotiations of accession.

Fourth: Cultural and Social Policies

  1. Ensuring that the state does not relinquish its social functions and constitutional duties including: free education, provision of health care and services, maternal and child care, environment protection… and other basic services enshrined in the constitution and international human rights treaties.
  2. Implementing cultural reforms as culture is the primary incubator for reform. This is through developing and implementing a national strategy for culture and cultural development to preserve the identity of the society, its religion, ethics and affiliations and deepening the culture of dialogue, tolerance and respect for human rights.
  3. Implementing educational reforms leading to: support and enhance all forms of reform reaching to a sustainable national development in line with technology changes, promote innovation, caring to scientific research in all fields and linking education to the society needs and demands.
  4. Improving the situation of Yemeni women, enhancing their position and role in society, empowering them of exercising all their constitutional and legal rights and the positive participation in public life.
  5. Making suitable all conditions necessary for the growth of the middle class and enabling this class of assuming its role in socio-economic development. This class is a productive force of change and development in many economic, social and technological fields.
  6. Adopting the health insurance project to ensure providing the right of treatment and medication internally and externally in an equal manner to all citizens with no discrimination or exceptions and to maintain the dignity of people.
  7. Giving the due attention to the youth category.
  8. Giving the due attention to those of special needs.
  9. Developing policies that protects Yemeni immigrants, their rights, dignity and promotes their national allegiance and participation in development.

10.  Integrating marginalized groups in the society and enable them of practicing their political and social rights.

11.  Taking necessary actions to treat the lesion of Qat at the medium and long run.

Fifth: Foreign Policy Reforms:

  1. Reformulating the foreign policy of the Republic of Yemen on the base of national partnership and transparent relations in formulating and setting its objectives and directions under the priorities that reflect the cultural affiliations of Yemen and its geographic location and to translate the principles, objectives and ambitions of the Yemeni people including preserving the independence and sovereignty of Yemen, protecting its security and its territorial integrity.
  2. Reforming approaches, objectives and tools of foreign policy in harmony with the constitutional provisions and in consistency with the country identity and its national and Islamic affiliation. The foreign policy of the country and its international relations should be best used to serve the economic interests of the people, poverty alleviation and supporting development strategies.
  3. Yemen’s effective contributions in boosting regional and international security and stability, defending the Arab and Muslim causes, on top of which are the Palestine and Iraq causes, and supporting human causes to fulfill the Yemen’s cultural mission.
  4. Strengthening the country relations with the brotherly GCC countries in consistency with the deep relations of religion, neighborhood, joint interests, the shared fate and the organic linking between the security of Yemen and the security of the region leading to full cooperation and solidarity and allowing the exchange of investments, strengthening the security and stability of the region and protecting it from the infiltrations of smuggling and trafficking squads.
  5. Working towards the accession of Yemen to the Gulf Cooperation Council.
  6. Strengthening the relations with Arab and Muslim countries, foster Arab and Muslim solidarity, serious contributions towards reforming the Arab League and the Islamic Conference Organization and increasing their roles, active participation in different activities and organizations affiliated thereto, promoting Arab-Arab and Arab-Muslim dialogue as an effective mean to solve problems and foster relations on the path of achieving democratic Arab unity.
  7. Strengthening and enhance our country relations with friendly countries and boost these relations to achieve increases in investments, poverty alleviation, supporting political, economic and social development, qualification programs and technology domestication.
  8. Supporting the Palestinian people in their fair struggle against the Zionist occupation until it receives its right in deciding its fate and establishing its independent state with Jerusalem as its capital. The Palestinian cause shall be considered as the common cause for all Arabs and Muslims.
  9. Developing the north-south dialogue to reflect a civilizations dialogue not a conflict on interests. Reconsider the international classifications to achieve common benefit for all nations of the world and to build the international economy on fair bases.

10.  Standing by the freedom of nations and their rights to defend themselves and resist foreign occupation. Combat all forms of racial, ethnic or cultural dissemination. Contribute in defending human rights issues regardless of color, race, religion or nationality. Support all international and Arab organizations defending human rights.

11.  Working through international and regional organizations, via objective dialogue, to reform the United Nations to ensure reconstruction of the international legitimacy on the bases of justice and equality and to establish a fair international system allowing equal opportunities for global civilizations and human cultures to participate therein.

Section Three: Mechanisms

Dialogue and other forms of civil actions and peaceful struggle are the mechanisms promoted by the PCND and its methodology in putting this vision into action for the purpose of saving the country from this crisis and moving it towards brighter future. PCND considers this mechanism as a national commitment and undertaking that it announces in association to its vision. These commitments represent, in essence, the general principles for the national political action to which all parties agreeing to the salvation and change vision agree and undertake to work on these commitments with the Yemeni people as the people of Yemen are those having the real interest in salvation and change. Such commitments will represent a liability towards Allah and the people as an irrevocable contract through the following:

First:

Adopting mechanisms of national comprehensive dialogue through which this vision, along with its diagnosis of the crisis and proposed solutions are communicated to all people of the country to inform them about this vision and to create a national consensus around it through diverse and comprehensive dialogue. This visions hall be considered as the national alternative for releasing the country from its status quo. This mechanism entails the following:

  • Inviting parties to the national crisis in Sada and southern governorates and those parties abroad to a serious national dialogue.
  • Invite the authority to be involved in the national dialogue in order to come out with an agreement that revives the principle of peaceful transition of power and ensures conducting free and fair elections.
  • Preparing for a wide national conference representing the people of Yemen and its communities to review, discuss, approve and enact the results of the dialogue in the form of resolutions deriving their legitimacy from the peoples’ legitimacy and to seek appropriate peaceful means to implement the resolutions.

Second:

Adopting peaceful national democratic forms of struggle by all parties to the PCND. Mobilizing and gathering organizational, political and materials resources to support national dialogue initiatives and events and achieving peoples’ consensus on the national salivation vision under the constitution and law making the task of defending the country as a duty on all Yemeni citizens.

Third: Mechanisms for qualitative communications, intellectual and media interaction to expand the scope of support for the salvation, change and national development and reforms solutions reaching to a stage where a national community-based framework is formed with peoples’ support encompassing all elements of the Yemeni society to work as a guardian for the state from collapse.

Fourth:

Mechanisms for managing the continuing the struggle following a time schedule defining stages and steps, harmonizing mechanism and mobilizing recourses for their optimum utilization.

These proposals of practical mechanisms are only providing an overview of the actions required. Each mechanism needs further elaboration. The obligations and responsibilities on this national framework are enormous. These proposals come to fulfill the promise of heading towards national change through these means and to ensure the support of Yemeni citizens inside and outside the country for this path.